Twenty-one years after his overthrow and flight to
Senegal, the former Chadian dictator Hissène Habré may finally face trial for
brutality against his own people. On Tuesday, July 24, four days after the world
court in The Hague ruled that Senegal must bring Habré to justice,
Senegal and the African Union agreed on a plan for a special court to try Habré.
Senegal's new president, Macky Sall, says he wants proceedings to begin later this
If the case does go forward, it would mark a
significant reversal of fortune for Habré and his victims. Despite being accused
of thousands of political killings and systematic torture during his 1982-1990
reign, Habré has basked in two seaside villas in Dakar, using the millions he
allegedly stole from Chad to build a network of supporters in Senegal.
A Senegalese judge indicted Habré in 2000 on atrocity charges, but
former president Abdoulaye Wade found one pretext after another to delay Habré's
reckoning, turning his victims' saga into what the Nobel Peace Prize winner
Bishop Desmond Tutu described as an "interminable political and legal soap opera."
Indeed, it is only the tenacity and perseverance of a group of prison
survivors that has kept the case going for so many years. Souleymane Guengueng, who almost died from dengue
fever during 2 ½ years in Habré's jails and who watched dozens of cellmates die,
took an oath that if he got out alive, he would
fight for justice. He rallied wary survivors and widows into an association and
went to Senegal to press charges.
When threats from Habré's henchmen back in Chad forced Guengueng into exile,
he was replaced by Clement Abaifouta -- the "gravedigger" whose prison job was
to bury other detainees in mass graves. Their lawyer, Jacqueline Moudeina, still has shrapnel in her leg
from 2001, when one of Habré's security chiefs, who had returned as police chief
of Chad's capital, had a grenade thrown at her.
The case nearly ended in 2001, when Senegalese courts, following interference
by President Wade, ruled they couldn't try Habré for crimes committed
abroad. But the victims filed a case in Belgium, whose long-arm universal
jurisdiction law allowed its courts to hear many foreign atrocity charges. A
four-year Belgian investigation led to Habré's indictment there and Belgium's request for Habré's
Wade turned instead to the African Union, which called on Senegal to try Habré domestically. Wade
consented, but stalled for years by demanding exorbitant up-front sums for the
trial from the international community. When donors finally agreed on an $11.7 million budget, Wade called the
whole thing off.
Belgium - which has stood by the victims for 11 years - raised the stakes by taking the case to the
International Court of Justice in The Hague, which ruled that Senegal must prosecute the former
dictator "without further delay" if it does not extradite him. In June, US
Secretary of State Hillary Clinton also urged Senegal to take "concrete steps" to try Habré
or send him to Belgium.
President Sall, who took office in April, has pledged a break from the
cronyism and corruption of the Wade era, however. Together with his new justice
minister, Aminata Touré, labeled "Mimi the Storm" by the local press, they have
created a special court to look into fraud and ill-gotten gains by public
officials and have pressed to recover state assets hidden abroad. They say the
Habré case is part of their campaign against official impunity and have agreed
to include judges from other African countries in the new court.
The real problem, however, is a lack of justice in the
face of the crimes committed by some African rulers. A fair trial for Hissène
Habré would strike a blow against the cycle of impunity in which leaders
brutalize their citizens, pillage their treasuries, and then when their time is
up move next door to join their bank accounts. It would also be a tremendous
precedent to show that African courts can deliver justice for crimes committed
Reed Brody, Spokesperson and Counsel with Human Rights Watch, has worked
with Hissène Habré's victims for 13 years.
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